Today marks the 45th anniversary of the burning of the Jaffna Public Library—one of the most devastating acts of cultural destruction in Sri Lanka’s history and a deeply painful chapter in the collective memory of the Tamil people.

The Tamil people have long placed profound value on education, research, and the preservation of knowledge. Across the Tamil homeland, libraries were established not only in major towns and cities but also in villages, reflecting a deeply rooted cultural commitment to learning and intellectual advancement.

The Jaffna Public Library stood as one of South Asia’s most distinguished libraries. It housed nearly 97,000 volumes, including rare books, historical records, newspapers, palm-leaf manuscripts, and invaluable literary and cultural archives. It was not merely a public institution—it was a symbol of the intellectual, cultural, and historical heritage of the Tamil people. The destruction of the library was therefore not simply an attack on a building; it was a deliberate assault on Tamil identity, historical memory, and cultural heritage.

The burning of the library took place on 1 June 1981, during a period of escalating violence in Jaffna in the lead-up to the District Development Council (DDC) elections. Following a shooting incident at a TULF election rally in Nachchimaar Koviladi on 31 May, police and paramilitaries went amok, initiating a three-day pogrom. The head office of the TULF party and the residence of Jaffna MP V. Yogeswaran were destroyed, and four people were pulled from their homes and killed at random.

This formed part of a wider pattern of state-sponsored violence over several days in late May and early June 1981, during which homes, businesses, a Hindu temple, and the offices and printing press of the Eelanaadu newspaper were attacked and destroyed. Tamil cultural and religious statues were also vandalised or defaced.

Numerous accounts and subsequent investigations have concluded that the violence was not spontaneous, but a premeditated act. The library stood in an isolated area in close proximity to the main police station and an army camp. On the night of the attack, during a strict curfew, the library was burned to the ground by Sinhalese mobs brought to Jaffna under the leadership of two UNP government ministers, with the active support, participation, or acquiescence of security personnel stationed only metres away.

Yogendra Duraiswamy, then Government Agent (GA) of Jaffna, urgently requested bowsers of water from the Navy base in Karainagar and the Municipality to extinguish the fire. However, the Municipal Office was closed, the water tower locked, and the city virtually deserted. While a Navy bowser eventually arrived, its capacity was woefully inadequate to douse the roaring fire. No citizens dared to come out that night.

The late Rev. Fr. Dr. Hyacinth Singarayar David, a respected Tamil priest, scholar, and linguist, is remembered with particular sorrow; he reportedly witnessed the flames from his room at St. Patrick’s College and died from shock soon afterwards. Former Jaffna Municipal Commissioner C.V.K. Sivagnanam also recorded how access routes were deliberately blocked to the general public and fire brigades to prevent emergency assistance from reaching the site.

The cruelty of burning thousands of irreplaceable books and manuscripts—including centuries-old palm-leaf documents—was an act of cultural genocide. For many Tamils, it remains one of the clearest examples of systematic efforts to erase Tamil history and heritage.

Kamalika Peris in Lankaweb of 20 September 2021 

Unbeknown who the gunman was, three policemen were killed by unidentified gunmen on 31 May 1981 night at a massive pre District Development Council (DDC) election rally in Nachchimaar Koviladi, held by the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF), about two hundred police personnel present there went amok and burnt boutiques, shops, houses, cars and ‘commercial establishments’ and these attacks were the worst that the people of Jaffna had experienced so far, reported the media. 

That night, police and paramilitaries began a pogrom that lasted for three days, said Wikipedia. The head office of TULF party was destroyed. The Jaffna MP V. Yogeswaran‘s residence was also destroyed. Four people were pulled from their homes and killed at random. Many business establishments, a Hindu temple and the office of the Eelanaadu, a local newspaper, were also destroyed. Statues of Tamil cultural and religious figures were destroyed or defaced.

Yet, forty-five years later, no individual has been held accountable. As noted in 1982 by Mr. Orville H. Schell, Chairman of the Americas Watch Committee and head of an Amnesty International fact-finding mission to Sri Lanka:

“It is regrettable that the government did not institute an independent investigation to establish responsibility for these killings and take measures against those responsible. Instead, one police officer involved was promoted and emergency legislation was introduced facilitating further killings.”

The absence of accountability remains deeply painful. Like many other grave violations committed against Tamils, the burning of the Jaffna Public Library has become emblematic of a longstanding culture of impunity. The failure to establish truth and justice has further eroded confidence in domestic accountability processes and continues to reinforce the perception that crimes committed against the Tamil people remain protected by state structures.

The Shattered Agreement: From Memorial Plans to Historical Erasure

During peace negotiations in 1994–1995 between the Government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE, there was discussion on preserving the ruins of the destroyed library as a memorial while constructing a modern library nearby. As this was provisionally agreed by both parties, Tamil representatives prepared and submitted architectural plans. That agreement was shattered when the Liberation Tigers lost control of the peninsula and the Sri Lankan government rushed to refurbish the ruined Jaffna Library building and hid all evidence of their genocidal act.

For Tamils worldwide, the burning of the Jaffna Public Library remains a powerful symbol of cultural genocide, historical erasure, and the broader struggle for justice. It demonstrates that whatever political differences Sinhala politicians may have during intra-party rivalries—whether UNP, SLFP, or others—they maintain a united stand in protecting a supremacist agenda that destroys Tamil identity and aspirations.

The BTF, among its many pursuits at the UNHRC, has submitted evidence of “Burning of the Jaffna Public Library” as an important element substantiating with evidence to the ongoing OHCHR’s Sri Lanka Accountability Project (OSLAP).

As we remember this solemn anniversary, we honour the cultural heritage that was lost and reaffirm the importance of preserving collective memory for future generations. The destruction of the Jaffna Public Library is a stark reminder of the urgent need to securely preserve books, manuscripts, historical documents, audiovisual records, archives, evidence, and testimonies across multiple physical and digital locations around the world. 

The British Tamils Forum continues to highlight the burning of the Jaffna Public Library as an important act of cultural genocide requiring justice, accountability, and international recognition. We reiterate our call on the international community to support credible international accountability mechanisms and to ensure that justice is not deferred or denied. 

Forty-five years on, remembrance remains not only an act of commemoration, but a commitment to ensuring that such heinous crimes are neither forgotten nor repeated.

Justice must prevail.

45th ANNIVERSARY REMEMBRANCE OF BURNING OF JAFFNA PUBLIC LIBRARY

This purpose of this strategic initiative sought to bring the issue of Tamil genocide to the forefront of the international community by mobilising and empowering the Tamil community across the United Kingdom. By uniting youth, women, grassroots activists, professionals, and a wide range of Tamil community institutions, the initiative aimed to deliver a clear and powerful appeal to influential global institutions, calling for justice, accountability, and international recognition of the Tamil genocide.

The remembrance commenced with a solemn tribute to the victims of the genocide, including civilians, humanitarian workers, and those heroes sacrificed their life for the freedom of Tamil nation. Floral tributes were laid, while attendees observed moments of silence in memory of those who lost their lives during the massacres at Mullivaikkal. Traditional kanji (porridge), symbolising the enforced starvation endured by Tamil civilians trapped in the war zone during the final phases of the war, was distributed to attendees as part of the vigil.

Throughout the event, the audience and onlookers enthusiastically engaged themselves with Exhibition and Advocacy side-stalls presented by the BTF volunteers, while watching the main stage event. The Exhibition depicted the entrenched pernicious ethnicised cycles of atrocity crimes committed against the Tamil people, in the form of massacres, enforced disappearances, displacement, concentrated militarisation, land appropriation, economic embargo and cultural & structural destruction since Sri Lanka’s independence in 1948. Viewers were guided through displays containing photographs, historical documentation, and statistical records outlining the root causes of the conflict and the continuation of declining Tamil population in the island due to the state sponsored land grab and policies perpetuating weakening Tamil population and mass exodus.  Among other things, the name list of the 18 high rank military personnel, who were identified in the OHCHR’s Investigation on Sri Lanka (OISL) published in 2015 was also displayed with their pictures, some of whom are still in service. These contents showcased the economic crisis emanating  from the eternalisation of the conflict against Tamils and unnecessary spending to feed the militarisation process and the state has no political will to resolve the fundamental ethnic issue in the island.

BTF General Secretary Ravi Kumar emphasised the urgent need to empower the Tamil nation by implementing projects to facilitate resettlement, reconstruction, and other strategic investments to strengthen the war-devastated traditional Tamil homeland while strengthening the ongoing global engagements for justice and political rights more strategically. 

A prominently displayed 2.4m x 1.2m digital model village illustrated as part of BTF’s proposed repatriation, reconstruction, and resettlement initiative aimed at rebuilding the Tamil homeland and facilitating the return of displaced Tamils, including refugees currently living in India and internally displaced in the South of Sri Lanka.

Advocacy volunteers also briefed attendees on the importance of political engagement with Members of Parliament. BTF encouraged the attendees to join its grassroots advocacy initiative and support its efforts to engage effectively with respective MPs and the political parties in their constituency.  

BTF’s Human Rights Team explained the role of the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights Sri Lanka Accountability Project (OSLAP) and the necessity of preserving evidence for future international prosecutions. The war-victim attendees were encouraged to register their contact details and contribute to the OSLAP evidence collection mechanism through documents, photographs, videos, witness accounts, and victims’ testimonies, in order to strengthen the call for the establishment of an international criminal justice mechanism.

During the event, BTF officially launched its new publication titled “Endless Cycles of Commissions of Inquiry in Sri Lanka”, highlighting decades of failed domestic accountability mechanisms and the continued impunity enjoyed by perpetrators of atrocity crimes. Copies of this publication were shared with the participants to help raise awareness among their local political representatives and communities.

Following an extensive process of documentation and verification, the British Tamils Forum displayed a preliminary list of approximately 3,000 Tamil victims who were killed by the Sri Lankan state and affiliated paramilitary groups. The BTF will continue its efforts to review, update, and expand the list as further information becomes available.

This marks the first time that such a substantial body of documented, source-verified information identifying Tamil victims killed by the Sri Lankan state and its paramilitary forces has been made publicly available. The publication forms part of the BTF’s evidence-based global advocacy efforts to advance justice, accountability, and international recognition for the atrocities committed against the Tamil people.

The event featured speeches and solidarity messages from UK parliamentarians, councillors, INGOs, party support organisations, civil society organisations representatives, and Tamil activists, all of whom reiterated strong calls for justice, accountability, demilitarisation, rebuilding the north east, and the recognition of legitimate aspirations of the Tamil people. Speakers stressed the urgent need for international accountability mechanisms, including referrals to the International Court of Justice (ICJ), International Criminal Court (ICC) or the establishment of an ad-hoc international tribunal. Repeated calls were also made for targeted sanctions, travel bans, and asset freezes against Sri Lankan military and political officials perpetrating the war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide.

The Rt Hon Dame Theresa Villiers DBE described Mullivaikkal as “one of the worst acts of mass killings since the Second World War,” condemning the shelling of civilians in so-called “No Fire Zones,” attacks on hospitals, and the deliberate targeting of civilians during the final stages of the war. Ms Villiers  stressed that seventeen years after the atrocities, the continued absence of accountability remains a “disgrace,” and called on the international community to transform repeated UN Human Rights Council commitments into concrete action through targeted sanctions, travel bans, asset freezes, demilitarisation of the North-East, repeal of the Prevention of Terrorism Act, and the establishment of a meaningful political settlement guaranteeing Tamil equality, rights, and participation in governance.

Luke Taylor MP stressed that the United Kingdom must pursue a “values-based foreign policy” rather than remain silent in the face of injustice. He condemned the indiscriminate killing of Tamil civilians and warned against the rise of ethnic nationalism and authoritarianism globally, drawing parallels with the continued treatment of Tamils in Sri Lanka. He called for the urgent implementation of UN Human Rights Council Resolutions 46/1, 51/1, and 57/1, accountability for war crimes and crimes against humanity, the demilitarisation of the North and East, and the development of a federal constitutional framework recognising the Tamil people’s right to self-determination.

Seamus Logan MP of the Scottish National Party (SNP) reaffirmed his support for the Tamil people’s right to self-determination and highlighted the long-term impact of war, state-sponsored colonisation, unequal economic development, and displacement on Tamil communities. He noted that over 200,000 Tamils remain internally displaced while more than one million Tamils were forced to flee abroad, including approximately 100,000 refugees in India who continue to live without secure status. Logan called for the establishment of an international criminal justice mechanism for Sri Lanka, legal action under universal jurisdiction principles, sanctions against perpetrators of war crimes and genocide, and economic assistance packages to support displaced Tamil communities.

MP Jo White and Lord John Mann reaffirmed their commitment to continuing advocacy efforts at the United Nations Human Rights Council and pledged to maintain pressure on the British government to ensure the Tamil issue remains on the international agenda. They also announced plans to visit Tamil Nadu and Delhi later this year to strengthen engagement with the Indian government and Tamil communities in India, with a focus on developing stronger economic and social links between Tamil communities across borders.

Martyn Day Member of the Scottish Parliament (MSP) emphasised that the suffering of the Tamil people “must never be forgotten, denied, or erased,” while urging the international community to recognise the Tamil genocide and pursue meaningful accountability through international legal mechanisms. He stressed the importance of ending impunity, recognising the Tamil people’s right to self-determination, and ensuring that displaced Tamils are able to return safely to their traditional homeland with full political and human rights protections.

Emily Darlington MP acknowledged the ongoing grief carried by Tamil families seventeen years after Mullivaikkal and stressed the importance of continuing political pressure to ensure the atrocities are never forgotten. She highlighted the resilience and vibrancy of Tamil communities in the United Kingdom, particularly through Tamil schools, cultural organisations, and youth engagement initiatives, while reaffirming continued parliamentary efforts to advocate for justice, accountability, and peace for affected Tamil families.

Councillor Mohana Manohoran described Mullivaikkal genocidal pogrom is  an enduring  psychological trauma suffered by the Tamil community and urged young Tamils to actively participate in politics, advocacy, legal work, and public service not only to establish justice and accountability for the victims but to establish a permanent political solution for Tamil people to live in peace and harmony with equal rights. She welcomed the UK government’s sanctions against four Sri Lankan perpetrators as an important first step, while stressing that many more individuals remain unaccountable. She further highlighted the importance of the UN OHCHR’s Sri Lanka Accountability Project (OSLAP) in preserving evidence for future prosecutions and encouraged younger generations to continue advancing the struggle for justice and remembrance through political engagement and activism.

BTF Human Rights Deputy Coordinator Sarmila Varatharaj delivered a powerful speech describing Mullivaikkal as a psychotrauma suffered by every Tamil family still waiting for answers regarding loved ones who were killed or disappeared. She argued that the international community’s failure to act in 2009 contributed to the continued global culture of impunity surrounding atrocity crimes. Varatharaj called for immediate demilitarisation of the North-East, international prosecutions, targeted sanctions against perpetrators, and the resettlement of displaced Tamil refugees and internally displaced persons. Addressing younger generations directly, she urged Tamil youth to transform remembrance into sustained political action and advocacy.

Yvonne Schofield of the Sri Lanka Campaign said Mullivaikkal was not simply a tragedy of war, but the result of decades of anti-Tamil racism, impunity, militarisation, and the denial of Tamil political aspirations. Despite this, the Tamil people have not been silenced. Across the North and East of Sri Lanka and throughout the diaspora, they continue to demand truth, justice, accountability, and the right to live with freedom and dignity. Families of the disappeared continue their protests. Survivors continue to speak out, and young people continue to organise. Memory itself has become an act of resistance.

Ms Schofield added that  the international community, including the UK government, has failed to deliver meaningful accountability, while successive Sri Lankan governments have protected alleged perpetrators and intensified repression. There can be no reconciliation without accountability, and no lasting peace built on denial and impunity. She assured to stand with families of the disappeared and survivors, and reaffirm our commitment to justice, demilitarisation, and self-determination. Mullivaikkal lives on in memory.

Pregasen Padayachee of the South Africa based Solidarity Group for Peace and Justice in Sri Lanka (SGPJ) reflected on the limited progress achieved for Tamils in Eelam, noting that while international attention has focused on the UNHRC, war crimes, and genocide, urgent issues such as poverty, land dispossession, and unemployment continue to affect the community. He said geopolitical challenges have also hindered peace, justice, and prosperity for the Tamil people. He said unity would be central to SGPJ’s work in the years ahead and emphasised the importance of working closely with Tamil political parties in the North and East of Sri Lanka and adopting a united approach. He also called for global solidarity in the pursuit of freedom, peace, and justice for Eelam, while paying tribute to those who gave their lives for the cause.

Anuradha Mittal, Oakland Institute (USA) condemned the continued lack of accountability in Sri Lanka, stating that the government continues to act with impunity in the Tamil homeland while families of the disappeared endure years of unanswered grief. By underscoring  the ongoing use of the Prevention of Terrorism Act, militarisation in the North and East, and the systematic erasure of Tamil heritage through land appropriation, renaming of villages, and the destruction of places of worship and cultural traditions, Ms Mittal  called for immediate demilitarisation, accountability for war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide, and the safe return and resettlement of Tamil refugees and internally displaced families.

While  urging  the international community to make aid and diplomatic support to Sri Lanka conditional on concrete human rights commitments and a political settlement Anuradha Mittal  said that justice for Tamils is also a test of the international community’s commitment to human rights and international law, and expressed her solidarity with Tamil victims, stressing that there can be no peace without justice.

In general, the speakers and organisers throughout the event reiterated a series of immediate, interim, and long-term actions necessary to achieve justice, accountability, peace, and political stability for the Tamil people in the North-East of the island. Calls were made to strengthen ongoing United Nations accountability processes through the establishment of an international criminal justice mechanism for Sri Lanka, including referral to the ICJ, ICC, or an ad-hoc international tribunal. Speakers further urged governments to initiate legal proceedings through universal jurisdiction frameworks, including Magnitsky-style sanctions regimes, and to impose targeted sanctions, travel bans, and asset freezes against civilian and military officials responsible for atrocity crimes.

The event also highlighted the need for stronger economic and diplomatic pressure on Sri Lanka, including the use of trade mechanisms such as GSP+, development assistance, and international aid conditionality to ensure meaningful accountability, political reform, and demilitarisation. Speakers stressed that sustainable peace cannot be achieved without ending the longstanding culture of impunity surrounding crimes committed against the Tamil people.

A recurring theme throughout the event was the call for an internationally arbitrated political settlement based on federal principles and the Tamil people’s right to self-determination. Organisers urged the United Kingdom, India, the European Union, and a core group of international actors to facilitate a structured political process capable of delivering long-term peace, stability, accountability, and prosperity on the island.

Several speakers also stressed the urgent need for interim humanitarian and reconstruction mechanisms in the North-East of the island, which remains the region most devastated by the civil war. Calls were made for the establishment of an interim institutional framework to oversee reconstruction, rehabilitation, comprehensive needs assessments, and the resettlement of internally displaced persons and refugees. Organisers highlighted that over 200,000 Tamils remain internally displaced, while approximately 100,000 Tamil refugees in India continue to live without secure status. Speakers reaffirmed that displaced Tamil people must be given the freedom, support, and security necessary to return to their homes and rebuild their lives with dignity in their traditional homeland.

Some of the features of the event evoking the call for justice and equality were powerful cultural performances, including poetry, songs (Voice art), dramatic presentations, and the highlight of the event was the  Bharathanatyam dance performance  of the troupe more than 200 young girls paying  tribute to the victims while expressing the resilience and collective memory of the Tamil nation. The coordination of proficiency the dance-performers could not have been achieved without the devotion and collaboration of the teachers and parents of the performers from several parts of the United Kingdom.

A candlelight vigil and ceremonial flame lighting took place at 18:18:18, symbolising global remembrance for those who perished at Mullivaikkal. The event concluded with a renewed call for unity amongst Tamils worldwide and a commitment to continue pursuing international justice, accountability, and political recognition for the Tamil nation. 

Unlike yesteryears, the youth and women have been the driving force behind organising this commemoration, and they urged the international community to ensure that the atrocities committed against the Tamil people are neither forgotten nor repeated and reaffirmed the importance of continued engagement with international institutions, parliamentarians, civil society organisations, and legal mechanisms. They will be at the forefront in forthcoming years too.

Women and youth leadership also took on significant responsibilities in organising this event and coordinating activities throughout the day, playing a central role in ensuring its smooth delivery.

The resilience of Tamil peoples’ aspiration will never die and will rise as phoenix rising from ashes. 

List of guests

Lord Mann

Current Members of Parliament

Jo White MP

Emily Darlington MP

Seamus Logan MP

Luke Taylor MP

Gareth Thomas MP

Previous Members of Parliament

Rt. Hon Dame Teressa Villiers

Current Councillors

Councillor Kuha Kumaran

Councillor Mohana Manoharan

Councillor Elili Ponnuthurai

Councillor Ellie Sandover

Councillor Appu Srinivasan

Councillor Joicy Thomas

Councillor Kalpana Bose

Councillor Paul White

Councillor Krishna Suresh

Previous Councillors

Sarmila Varatharaja

Mrs Kamala Kuhan

Aliya Sheikh

Sakina Sheikh

“ நாங்கள் பயத்தை கடந்தவர்கள்” MAY 18 Remembrance Day 200 + students performing genocidal history (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fhcV0m85O7Y)

“ENDLESS CYCLES OF COMMISSIONS OF INQUIRIES IN SRI LANKA” book release (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Zrqki_z-bUI)

A preliminary list of approximately 3,000 Tamil victims who were killed by the Sri Lankan state and affiliated paramilitary groups (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IEvZfsWWViY)

“Where Is the System” – Voice Art Students (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6_U3XlS5YE8)

The Drama of The Reality (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8LUHRki4JpQ)

Founder and Executive Director, Oakland Institute (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gCSKQBLvq2M)

General Secretary, Solidarity Group for Peace and Justice in Sri Lanka SGPJ (South Africa) (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PaR2H2K_Zm4)

Campaign Director, Sri Lanka Campaign for Peace & Justice (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=d7d3Xhwx-ZA)

BTF General Secretary (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=m9CTxcQWf5I&t=18s)

The RT Hon Sir Stephen Timms MP, Minister for Social Security and Disability (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zQQeE9Xjwao)

Lord Mann and Joe White MP (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7nHa-pduXC4&t=6s)

Luke Taylor MP (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0eGU_Cu-W3Q) 

Seamus Logan MP (SNP) (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tHNIBhliX2Q&t=35s)

The Rt Hon Dame Theresa Villiers DBE (youtube.com/watch?v=KPU9qXPrMjo&feature=youtu.be)

Gareth Thomas MP (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=edzc4n9BYnc)

Martyn Day, Member of Scottish Parliament (MSP) (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U9pK1fCi3uQ)

BTF Deputy Coordinator Human Rights Team & Former Wandsworth Councillor Sarmila Varatharaj (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=21lR5Y2JuRs)

Councillors Kalpana Bose, Joicy Joseph, Mohana Manoharan (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6KNaGkmLWIw) 

Councillor Mohana Manoharan of Croydon (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mhMo_-LuVtQ&t=53s)

Former Councillor Aliya Sheikh (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=recOOq5kYRc)

Shiyanu, Conservative Friends of Tamils (CFT) (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6JmMbWxt_wU)

Tamil Friends of Liberal Democrats (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IP92k_fppOw&feature=youtu.be)

Mr Senathiraja Muthaiya, Milton Keynes Tamil School (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1NcJp03OO1E)

Special thanks to Dance teachers and women leaders (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7tF80Ki2Ato)

***Councillors (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=c372TXsGXtU) 

Conclusion (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=G_jsoduFblQ)

1

7th Anniversary of Mullivaikkal Tamil Genocide Remembrance Day

Photos are available at:

17 th Anniversary of Mullivaikkal Tamil Genocide Remembrance Day MAY-2026 – British Tamils Forum

During this session at the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC), by engaging with diplomatic missions, the British Tamils Forum (BTF) raised concerns about the credibility of Sri Lanka’s tactical initiative to establish a domestic criminal justice mechanism as a replacement for the ongoing international accountability process.

Serious concerns persist regarding the ability of Sri Lanka’s domestic criminal justice system to deliver meaningful accountability for atrocity crimes allegedly perpetrated by the state and its associated apparatuses. Structural legal gaps, procedural limitations, and longstanding concerns about politicisation and bias raise fundamental questions about the viability of domestic mechanisms in addressing grave international crimes.

A critical deficiency lies in the absence of core international crimes within Sri Lanka’s legal framework. The domestic legal system does not recognise or provide for the prosecution of genocide, war crimes, or crimes against humanity. Additionally, there is no legal doctrine of command responsibility—a cornerstone principle in international criminal law that enables the prosecution of senior officials responsible for crimes committed under their authority. Without these provisions, accountability for systemic and large-scale violations remains unattainable.

Temporal limitations embedded within Sri Lanka’s penal laws further undermine the pursuit of justice. Crimes such as sexual violence, enforced disappearances, torture, and other forms of inhumane treatment face significant prosecutorial barriers when committed more than two decades ago. Section 456 of Sri Lanka’s Code of Criminal Procedure Act establishes a general statute of limitations of 20 years for the prosecution of sexual violence offences, including rape. This directly contradicts international standards, under which statutes of limitation do not apply to international crimes. This time-bound limitation significantly contributes to widespread impunity for perpetrators. As a result, Sri Lankan domestic law effectively creates de facto immunity for violations that occurred prior to 2006—precisely the period during which many of the most serious allegations are reported to have taken place.

Legal definitions within the domestic framework also remain inadequate. For example, male-on-male rape is not recognised under Sri Lankan law, leaving survivors without legal recourse and reinforcing systemic gaps in protection and accountability. The Report of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights Investigation on Sri Lanka (OISL) further concluded that incidents of sexual violence were not isolated acts but formed part of a deliberate institutional policy of torture by Sri Lankan security forces, designed to extract information, intimidate, humiliate, and instill fear.

The evidentiary landscape further complicates prospects for justice. 94% of the documentation held within the OSLAP repository remains confidential, with strict conditions imposed by victims and witnesses prohibiting its transfer to Sri Lankan institutions. These safeguards reflect deep concerns about reprisals, breaches of confidentiality, and a lack of trust in domestic systems. However, they also mean that any judicial process deprived of this substantial body of evidence would be incapable of establishing patterns, chains of command, or the intent necessary to prosecute atrocity crimes effectively.

Finally, longstanding allegations of politicisation and ethnic bias within the judicial system continue to erode confidence in domestic accountability mechanisms. Without structural independence, impartiality, and robust safeguards against interference, the judiciary is unlikely to deliver outcomes that meet international standards of justice.

It is instructive to recall the landmark case of Singarasa v. Supreme Court of Sri Lanka (1999), in which the Supreme Court rejected the applicability of international law, holding those international treaties — such as the ICCPR — do not automatically become part of domestic law upon executive ratification. Singarasa, a Tamil man, was wrongly arrested and convicted under the draconian Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) and sentenced to 50 years’ imprisonment, despite the UN Human Rights Committee recommending his release on the grounds that Sri Lanka had violated his right to a fair trial. This case illustrates a broader judicial approach that resists the incorporation of international legal obligations, raising concerns that Sri Lanka’s formal ratification of treaties may serve more to mislead the international community than to ensure compliance.

Taken together, these factors unequivocally demonstrate that Sri Lanka’s domestic legal system is structurally incapable of addressing crimes defined under international law in a manner consistent with global legal norms.

We therefore call upon the international community to recognise that any credible pathway to justice must include:

• the establishment of robust international criminal justice mechanisms; and

• the application of universal jurisdiction principles—drawing on the principled approaches adopted by countries such as the United States, Canada, and the United Kingdom—in other jurisdictions, including the European Union, Australia, and New Zealand, which have yet to impose sanctions on alleged Sri Lankan perpetrators.

These measures are essential to ensure independence, protect victims, and uphold international legal standards. Absent such action, any expectation of ending Sri Lanka’s deeply entrenched and pernicious ethnicised politics will remain illusory.

Sri Lanka’s Domestic Criminal Justice Mechanisms Cannot Deliver Justice for Atrocity Crimes

Amid the systematic destruction of Tamil heritage—most notably the targeting of Hindu temples—the continued proliferation of Buddhist structures is deeply alarming. The construction of a Buddhist vihara in Thaiyiddy, situated in the heart of the Tamil homeland of Jaffna, where there is little to no Buddhist population, is particularly egregious. The establishment of this vihara on privately owned land has caused serious unrest and distress among local residents.

This action, carried out by the occupying military, has now drawn condemnation even from some prominent Buddhist monks within the island, underscoring the gravity and injustice of the situation.

Thaiyiddy, a village in the Jaffna Peninsula near Kankesanthurai, has become a stark symbol of the Sri Lankan state’s ongoing militarisation and land dispossession in the Tamil homeland. The Sri Lankan military has occupied privately owned Tamil land and enabled the construction of the Tissa Raja Maha Vihara on land claimed by 18 Tamil families. The land was subjected to prolonged military occupation, with no transparency, no consent from private owners, no planning permission from the local authority, and no adherence to basic legal procedures governing private property. Similar patterns have emerged in many other areas in the traditional Tamil homeland, demonstrating that this is not an isolated incident but part of a systematic military-backed land grab that undermines the rule of law and constitutes a serious violation of human rights.

The construction of Buddhist temples in predominantly Tamil areas is widely understood by local communities, Tamil parliamentarians, and civil society as part of a broader project of Buddhisation and demographic engineering in the North-East. Despite sustained peaceful protests, successive Sri Lankan governments have failed to address the core issue of illegal land seizure, exposing the futility of internal accountability mechanisms for Tamil people. This raises an unavoidable question: how long are Tamils expected to endure military occupation, land dispossession, and cultural erasure in their own homeland? 

Notably, this time resistance to these land grabs has also come from within the Buddhist community itself. A Buddhist monk of Nainativu Vihara has publicly supported Tamil landowners, stating that land seizure is unjust and incompatible with Buddhist values. 

This stance exposes the falsity of the state’s narrative and highlights the abuse of religion to legitimise militarisation. As extremist, state-aligned Buddhism continues to operate with impunity and international actors remain largely silent, Tamil representatives reiterate their call for decisive international 

intervention—through the United Nations, the Core Group, and the Special Rapporteur on freedom of religion or belief—to investigate military land grabs, uphold freedom of religion, and ensure the immediate return of private land to its rightful Tamil owners. This case exemplifies the broader failure of domestic accountability mechanisms within the Sri Lankan state apparatus.

Although Buddhism preaches non-violence and other noble values and calls upon its followers—particularly Buddhist monks—to practise these principles, the reality in Sri Lanka has been markedly different. Over decades, the country has witnessed aggressive hate speech, violent attacks, and open threats against non-Buddhists by powerful monks, including Ampitiye Sumanarathana Thero, Chief Incumbent of Sri Mangalarama Viharaya in Batticaloa, and Bodu Bala Sena (BBS) General Secretary Ven. Galagodaaththe Gnanasara Thero. Such hate-mongering by prominent religious figures—who have orchestrated violence and called for the annihilation of other faiths, ethnicities, and identities—has, over the past seven decades, contributed to bloodshed, cycles of violence, and genocide, ultimately driving the island toward bankruptcy and state failure.

It is imperative for the international community to take a firm stand against such virulent racism cloaked in religious authority. The influence of these actors, past and present, has enabled persecution against Tamils and other communities. Measures against notorious religious leaders—including travel bans and targeted sanctions, grounded in principles of universal jurisdiction—are necessary to support a genuine peace-building process and to empower the minority within Buddhist institutions who seek true transformation through meaningful structural changes.

The enforced land grab and illegal construction of Buddhist structures in Thaiyiddy must therefore be understood not as an isolated dispute, but as part of a broader pattern of conduct engaging Sri Lanka’s obligations under international human rights and humanitarian law, including protections against arbitrary deprivation of property and discrimination. Continued inaction risks entrenching impunity and further exposes the systemic failure of domestic accountability mechanisms. The international community’s response—or its silence—will determine whether these violations persist.

Militarisation and Buddhisation Continue in the Tamil Homeland – Futility of Internal Accountability Fn1.docx

Prime Minister

10 Downing Street

London SW1A 2AA

Dear Prime Minister, The Rt Hon Sir Keir Starmer MP,

Sri Lanka: A Journey from Conflict-Prone, Vulnerable, and Failing State to Peace, Stability, and Prosperity

Sri Lanka has been severely affected by Cyclone Ditwah, pushing an already-fragile economy into deeper crisis. As the nation mourns the loss of lives and the devastation inflicted upon its agricultural base and infrastructure, the challenge of rebuilding the country to even its pre-cyclone condition poses a serious concern for the Government.

While expressing sincere gratitude to the international community for its timely assistance, it is crucial that Sri Lanka reassesses its internal structures and adopts an inclusive approach to rebuilding. Sustainable recovery is only possible if power is genuinely shared among all peoples of the island—regardless of race, religion, or background. The responsibility for rebuilding must rest with all citizens, not just a centralised political elite.

This requires confronting and rectifying the failures that have accumulated since independence from British rule in 1948.

Sri Lanka: From Asia’s Early Role Model to a Bankrupt Nation

Lee Kuan Yew’s Observations

Singapore’s founding Prime Minister, Mr. Lee Kuan Yew, once regarded Sri Lanka  as a promising model for Asian development. However, he later became one of its most pointed critics, especially regarding ethnic governance.

His key observations include:

• Early admiration: In the 1960s, Sri Lanka stood out as one of Asia’s most advanced societies, with social and economic indicators surpassed only by Japan.
• Critique of ethnic policies: Lee criticised the systematic marginalisation of Tamil communities and the entrenchment of majoritarian Sinhala politics, which he believed sowed the seeds of conflict.
• Call for political solutions: He advised former President R. Premadasa that the ethnic conflict could never be solved through military means, insisting that a durable political settlement was indispensable.
• Condemnation of wartime actions: Lee later referred to the conduct during the final stages of the 2009 civil war as “ethnic cleansing” and characterised President Mahinda Rajapaksa as a “Sinhala extremist.”
• Holistic warning: Lee consistently argued that economic progress alone cannot sustain a nation in the absence of ethnic harmony and equitable governance. Without addressing deep-rooted grievances and structural inequalities, he warned, national stability would remain fragile.

Sri Lanka’s Contemporary Situation

• Urgent need to find a minimum of USD 7 billion to be allocated for recent cyclone and floods damaged reconstruction.
• Total external debt: USD 57 billion
• Projected trade deficit for 2025: USD 7 billion
• Post-cyclone reconstruction may take at least two years, require increased imports and further expand the deficit.
• The current IMF EFF programme runs roughly from March 2023 ending in March 2027.
• In the current political and economic climate, significant Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) is unlikely (Low investor confidence + instability → weak investment → slow growth).
• public debt still hovering above 100% of GDP

Debt Clearance Outlook (Next 10 Years)

To clear its external debt and offset recurring deficits – based on scenario estimates Sri Lanka will need at least:

• USD 13 billion under a linear projection, or
• USD 10 billion under an exponential projection.

Without a coherent and sustained national strategy, achieving these targets will be highly unlikely, placing long-term economic recovery at serious risk.

Why These Targets Are Currently Unattainable

Given the constraints:

• No major FDI inflows
• High import dependency
• Weak export diversification
• Rising reconstruction costs
• Temporary IMF support
• High public debt ratio

Within the existing state structure model, Sri Lanka lacks an engine capable of producing the foreign exchange surplus required for repayment.

Reconciliation, Institutional Reform, and Structural Change: The Conditions for Prosperity

Austerity and rigid fiscal tightening alone cannot revive Sri Lanka’s economy. The Government must acknowledge past failures and take decisive steps toward inclusive governance and equitable nation-building.

Lee Kuan Yew foresaw Sri Lanka’s potential to become one of Asia’s great success stories—second only to Japan—had it embraced equal rights for all its citizens and rejected divisive ethnonationalism. It is widely acknowledged that racial and religious discrimination has been the root cause of the country’s prolonged instability and decline.

Sri Lanka must accept its pluralistic identity. The aspirations of each community—especially Tamils and Muslims—must be respected through meaningful sharing of power, allowing regions to manage their own development, similar to the model in Canada, USA, Switzerland, EU and India.

UNHRC High Commissioner’s Report (A/HRC/57/19), Paragraph 64

“Following the elections, the newly elected Government should—as a matter of urgency—pursue an inclusive national vision for Sri Lanka that addresses the root causes of the conflict and undertakes fundamental constitutional and institutional reforms needed to strengthen democracy and devolution of political authority and advance accountability and reconciliation.”

Unless Sri Lanka embraces substantial power sharing model and ensures equal rights—particularly for the Tamil people—the nation will continue to descend into economic and political instability.

Cycles of violence, genocide and State Policies Contributing to the Present Predicament

A series of legislative acts, discriminatory policies, and violent episodes shaped the long-standing ethnic tensions in Sri Lanka and contributed to the present crisis. Key developments include:

• Citizenship Act (1948), which rendered Tamil plantation workers stateless.
• Sinhala Only Act (1956), instituted Sinhala as the sole official language, marginalizing Tamil speakers in education, public administration, and employment.
• 158 documented pogroms against Tamils (1956–2008) have been recorded during this period, resulting in loss of life, displacement, and deepening mistrust between communities.
• Abolition of Article 29 (2): removal of this key minority-protection clause from the Soulbury Constitution weakened constitutional safeguards for non-Sinhala communities.
• Granting Buddhism foremost place in the Constitution, reinforced majoritarian nationalism and extremist elements. 
• “Standardisation” policy (1972): Introduced criteria that disproportionately reduced access to higher studies for Tamil students, intensifying perceptions of systemic discrimination.
• Burning of the Jaffna Public Library: The destruction of over 97,000 rare books and manuscripts remains one of the most culturally devastating acts of the conflict era.
• Prevention of Terrorism Act (1979) enabled prolonged detention without trial, widespread reports of torture, disappearances, and other human rights abuses.
• A 26-year civil war causing widespread death, displacement, and enduring psychological and socioeconomic trauma across all communities.
• State sponsored land grabs aiming on destabilisation of traditional homeland of Tamils. 

Lessons from Sri Lanka’s Racially Driven Policies

• • Political elites repeatedly mobilised ethnic identity to secure power, entrenching cycles of majoritarianism while enabling corruption, policy incoherence, fiscal waste, and growing militarisation.
  • Decades of violence and discriminatory governance eroded human capital, devastated infrastructure, and diverted national resources toward war and security, pushing the economy deeper into debt.
  • Events such as the 2019 Easter Bombings, widely alleged by various actors to have political dimensions—revealed profound institutional dysfunction, persistent intelligence manure, and vulnerabilities within the state apparatus.
  • The COVID-19 pandemic (2020) further obscured systemic governance failures, enabling mismanagement, lack of transparency, and weak oversight during a period of heightened public fear and uncertainty.
  • Corruption permeated defence procurement and major foreign acquisitions, distorting national priorities and undermining both fiscal sustainability and national security.

• From 1983 to 2025, a succession of shocks—prolonged defence expenditures (1983 – 2025), the 2019 Easter Bombings, the 2020 Covid pandemic, the 2022 sovereign default, and the 2025 cyclone and flood catastrophe—combined the effects of human-driven policy failures and natural disasters, inflicting severe and lasting damage on Sri Lanka’s stability and future prosperity.

Facts and Figures on Unwarranted Defence Spending

• Defence expenditure (1983–2009): USD 14.14 billion
• Defence expenditure (2009–2018): USD 17.35 billion, despite the absence of war
• Military personnel increased from 200,000 (2009) to 318,000 (2018)
• Of Sri Lanka’s 19 military divisions, 16 remain stationed in the Northern Province
• Reports indicate human rights violations, land occupation, and abuses of women and children
• Sri Lanka maintains a larger military force than the UK
• Despite expectations, the new government continues to prioritise defence over essential sectors
• The military proved inadequate in responding to Cyclone Ditwah, whereas Indian forces reached difficult areas more effectively

Why Sri Lanka’s Centralised Governance Structure Hinders Growth and Development

Sri Lanka’s highly centralised and rigid governance model—anchored in a unitary constitutional framework—has long been recognised as a major obstacle to economic progress, institutional efficiency, and balanced regional development. The concentration of authority in Colombo severely restricts local and provincial actors from responding swiftly to emerging challenges or crafting solutions suited to their own social and economic realities.

• Centralisation slows down decision-making

In Sri Lanka, almost every significant development initiative—whether in infrastructure, housing, investment approvals, or disaster management—must pass through multiple layers of central bureaucracy. This creates systemic delays, increases administrative costs, and undermines the responsiveness required in a globalised and rapidly evolving environment.

Projects that should take weeks frequently drag on for months or years, not due to technical limitations but because of institutional bottlenecks. By the time approvals are granted, economic conditions may have shifted, opportunities may have vanished, and public confidence may have diminished.

• ⁠Bureaucracy and red tape limit innovation

Excessive procedural requirements, compounded by entrenched corruption among segments of the political leadership and bureaucracy, deter officials from exploring innovative practices or adopting modern governance models. Local authorities, lacking meaningful autonomy, are rarely empowered to pilot reforms without the explicit consent of central ministries.

As a result:
• Promising ideas fail before reaching implementation
• Policy learning and adaptation happen slowly
• Public-sector performance remains stagnant

• Political conflicts and entrenched corruption create further delays

Centralised systems tend to concentrate not only authority but also political opportunism. Ministries and agencies obstruct or delay initiatives associated with rival political actors or factions. When decision-making power is concentrated among a small group—whether politicians or bureaucrats—the risk of corruption increases significantly, as these actors control major financial flows and approval mechanisms.

Consequently, national-level political instability routinely disrupts development at the provincial and local levels, even when communities face urgent needs.

• Regional institutions lack autonomy

Provincial councils, local governments, and regional development bodies lack the fiscal and legislative independence necessary to address local priorities. Unlike federal or semi-federal systems—where states or provinces can craft their own economic strategies—Sri Lanka’s regions remain dependent on central government transfers and approvals.

This results in:
• Stagnant development outcomes
• Underutilisation of regional resources
• Slow disaster recovery
• Minimal investment in local innovation
• Reduced economic diversification

• Lack of power sharing makes much needed reforms difficult

Critical reforms—such as improving public service delivery, modernising agriculture, upgrading infrastructure, or establishing regional economic hubs—require coordinated action across multiple layers of government. In a highly centralised administrative culture, such reforms become vulnerable to political turnover, bureaucratic inertia, and resistance from those who benefit from existing arrangements.

This rigidity leaves Sri Lanka slow to adapt, even when confronted with severe economic crises, climate-related disasters, or competitive pressures from the global economy.

Sri Lanka’s highly centralised, unitary governance model significantly limits economic dynamism and institutional effectiveness. For decades, the concentration of authority in Colombo has been recognised as a major constraint on the country’s economic growth, administrative efficiency, transparency and regional development. This centralised structure prevents local and regional actors from responding swiftly to emerging challenges or designing solutions tailored to their specific social and economic contexts.

• Centralisation slows decision-making

Lengthy approval chains delay development projects and undermine the country’s ability to respond to rapidly changing economic and environmental conditions.

• Bureaucracy stifles innovation

Local authorities lack the autonomy to test new approaches, pilot reforms, or adapt policies to regional needs, resulting in stagnation and missed opportunities.

• Political rivalry and corruption create further delays

Centralised authority intensifies political competition, enabling factional obstruction, patronage networks, and corruption—further slowing progress.

• Regional institutions have insufficient autonomy

Provincial and local bodies lack the fiscal and legislative powers necessary to manage development independently, leading to uneven growth and chronic underuse of regional resources.

• Large-scale reforms become harder

Over-centralisation entrenches resistance to structural reform, making it harder for Sri Lanka to adapt during economic crises, climate shocks, or shifts in global markets.

Despite liberalising its economy in 1977, Sri Lanka has failed to achieve the transformative outcomes seen in neighbouring India, which embarked on liberalisation later, in 1991. India’s federal structure enabled its states to compete, innovate, and pursue distinct development strategies—resulting in steady and often rapid regional progress.

By contrast, Sri Lanka’s rigid centralised power structure and the persistent failure of national-level political decision-makers continue to impede meaningful reform and sustainable development. Unless structural changes are made to empower regional governance and devolved authority, Sri Lanka risks repeating its cycle of economic stagnation and missed opportunities.

Imperativeness for reconciliation and rebuilding Sri Lanka from its declining 

The foregoing signifies that Sri Lanka’s centralised governance system has long stifled economic growth, constrained innovation, and deepened ethnic divisions. A genuinely devolved, accountable, and regionally empowered political framework is essential if the country is to recover from its failures and realise its true potential.

However, regardless of which political system is inherited in Sri Lanka, entrenched institutional forces—particularly institutionalised Buddhist hard core and an oversized, militarised state apparatus—continue to hold an effective veto over meaningful reform. These forces have repeatedly obstructed initiatives aimed at reconciliation, justice, power sharing and sustainable peace.

While international assistance during this acute crisis is deeply appreciated, such support must be paired with firm encouragement for structural, institutional, and constitutional reform. Genuine reconciliation cannot be achieved without addressing the legitimate political aspirations of the Tamil people, ensuring meaningful regional autonomy, and dismantling entrenched systems of racial and religious discrimination. 

Without these transformative measures, Sri Lanka will remain trapped in cycles of violence, instability and decline, with the continued risk of a major regional conflict.

Given the United Kingdom’s historic role in shaping the early institutions of Sri Lanka, formerly Ceylon, and the improper decolonisation process, we respectfully urge you to initiate a fast-track process in collaboration with global partners to help bring an end to the long-standing conflict, advance justice, and support essential constitutional and institutional reforms. These steps are vital to securing peace, stability, and prosperity for all communities in Sri Lanka. 

Even in this moment of profound crisis, there is a real opportunity—and hope—for a better future.

Thank you, Prime Minister.

 Yours sincerely

1. Ravi Kumar
   General Secretary
   British Tamils Forum (BTF)
   Secretariat for the All-Party Parliamentary Group for Tamils (APPG T)

BTF Letter to UK PM – Reconsiling & Rebuilding Sri Lanka 15122025

British Tamils Forum (BTF) met with the Scottish First Minister Fn1.docx

At the meeting:

• Dame Siobhain McDonagh MP was re-elected as Chair of the APPG-T.
• Vice Chairs: Uma Kumaran MP (Labour), Bobby Dean MP (Liberal Democrat), and Louie French MP (Conservative).
  

Other APPG-T Members present:

• Daniel Francis MP
• Dawn Butler MP
• Janet Daby MP
• Jo White MP
• The Rt Hon John McDonnell MP
• Luke Taylor MP
• Natasha Irons MP
• Dr Neil Hudson MP

Apologies Received from 6 parliamentarians:

• Catherine West MP
• The Rt Hon Sir Ed Davey MP
• Ellie Chowns MP
• Emily Darlington MP
• Kerry McCarthy MP
• The Baroness Verma

The AGM provided a platform for cross-party discussion on key matters concerning accountability, justice, and sustainable peace for Tamils in Sri Lanka. Topics discussed included:

• Regular statements from the APPG-T Executive Committee on Tamil issues.
• The Forensic DNA Databank Project.
• Pathways to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) or other international, independent investigation mechanisms.
• The current NPP Government in Sri Lanka, its political agendas, and the continuing impunity.
• The OSLAP evidence repository at the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC).
• Advocacy efforts in India.
• Time-bound action plans focusing on reparations, resettlement, and reconstruction in the North-East.
• Preparations for an upcoming Parliamentary debate.

The APPG-T reaffirmed its continued commitment to pursuing justice and accountability, promoting human rights, and supporting long-term peace and development for the Tamil people.

For further information, please contact:

T.Vasikaran

British Tamils Forum (Secretariat, APPG for Tamils)

Mobile: 07943100035

info@britishtamilsforum.org

www.britishtamilsforum.org

@tamilsforum

APPG-T AGM Press Release

This comprehensive proposal has been jointly prepared and submitted by the British Tamils Forum, together with our sister organisations worldwide. It includes:

• Robust international criminal justice mechanisms to address past and ongoing violations and ensure accountability.
• Interim measures for reparations to support victims and affected communities, with a particular focus on the war-devastated North and East of Sri Lanka.
• A long-term framework for constitutional and institutional reform to guarantee non-recurrence of violence, systemic discrimination, and genocide.

This initiative represents a collective and coordinated global effort and is endorsed by the following organisations (listed in alphabetical order):

Common_proposal_for_UNHRC_September_2025_resolution

Common proposal for a new UNHRC resolution

பிரித்தானிய தமிழர் பேரவை திட்ட முன்மொழிவு

1983இலிருந்து போர்ச் சூழலினால் இந்தியாவிற்கு அகதியாக சென்ற தமிழ் மக்களின் அவல வாழ்க்கையினைத் தீர்ப்பதற்கான திட்டங்களை வகுத்து இந்தியாவுடனும், மனிதாபிமான பணிகளுக்கு ஆதரவு தரும் சில மேற்குலக நாடுகளுடனும் அவர்களின் மீள் குடியேற்றம் (Resettlement) மற்றும் போரால் சிதைக்கப்பட்ட தமிழர் தாயகத்தின் மீள் நிர்மாணம் (Reconstruction) ஆகிய இரண்டையும் உடனடியாக தொடங்க வேண்டும் என்று ஒரு தசாப்தத்திற்கு மேலாக இடை விடாத தொடர்பாடலை பிரித்தானிய தமிழர் பேரவை மேற்கொண்டு வருவது பலர் அறிந்த விடயம் ஆகும்.

இதுவரை இருந்த சிறிலங்காவின் அனைத்து அரசுகளும் இது குறித்து பாராமுகமாக இருந்தது மட்டும் அல்லாது தமிழ் மக்களின் மீள் குடியேற்றத்திற்கு பல முட்டுக் கட்டைகளை ஏற்படுத்தி வந்ததனை ஆதாரங்களுடன் மேற்படி அதிகார மையங்களிடம் முன் வைத்து அழுத்தங்களை பாவிக்க கூறி வந்தோம். 

தமிழ் மக்களின் மீள் குடியேற்றமும் மீள் நிர்மாணமும் போருக்கு பிந்திய மிக முக்கியமான விடயமாக அவசர கால அடிப்படையில் நடைமுறைப்படுத்தி இருக்க வேண்டும். 

இது குறித்து சிங்கள தரப்புகள் மட்டும் அல்லாது தமிழர் தரப்பிலும் கூட கவனத்தில் எடுக்காதது மிகுந்த விசனத்துக்குரியது. ‘அரசியல் தீர்வு ஒன்று வரும் வரை காத்திருப்போம்’, என பெரும் பாதிப்புக்குள்ளான ஒரு பகுதி மக்களின் நீண்ட கால பிரச்சினையைத் தள்ளிப் போடுவது பொறுப்பற்ற செயலாகும். 

இந்தோ லங்கா உடன்படிக்கையின் ஒரு முக்கிய அங்கமாக மீள் குடியேற்றம் குறிப்பிடப்பட்டிருந்தாலும் அதனை நடைமுறைப்படுத்தாது இழுத்தடித்து, “எண்ணிக்கை சிறுபான்மையினராக” (numerical minority) தமிழர் தாயகத்திலேயே தமிழ் மக்களை பலவீனப்படுத்தவே சிங்கள அரசுகள் தொடர் நடவடிக்கைகளை எடுத்து வருகின்றன என நாம் பல்வேறு தளங்களில் பல்வேறு நாடுகளுக்கும் முக்கியஸ்தர்களுக்கும் தமிழ் மக்களின் அவல வாழ்க்கையினை விளங்கப்படுத்தி வருகின்றோம்.  

இதே வேளையில் “இந்தியாவில் உள்ள இலங்கை அகதிகள் அனைவரையும் அன்புடன் பொறுப்பேற்போம். அவர்களுக்கு முழுமையாக ஒத்துழைப்புக்களை வழங்குவோம்.”  என சிறிலங்காவின் அமைச்சர் பிமல் ரத்நாயக்க அண்மையில் பாராளுமன்றில் கதைத்திருப்பதாக அறிய வருகின்றோம். (வீரகேசரி https://www.virakesari.lk/article/222965.)

தமிழர் தாயகத்தின் சனநாயக ரீதியாக தேர்ந்தெடுக்கப்படும் பிரதிநிதிகள், சிவில் சமூகம், புலமையாளர்கள், பொறுப்புணர்வுடன் செயல்படும் புலம்பெயர் அமைப்புகளுடன் இணைந்து ஒருங்கிணைந்த ஒரு முன்மொழிவினை கொடுத்து வினைத் திறனுடன் நேர்மையாக இதனை நடைமுறைப்படுத்த தொடர் நடவடிக்கைகளை மேற்கொண்டு வருகின்றோம். 

முக்கியத்துவம் வாய்ந்த இந்த மனிதாபிமான பணிகளை அவசர கால அடிப்படையில் நடைமுறைப்படுத்த தமிழ் மக்களின் இருப்பினில் உண்மையான அக்கறை உள்ளவர்களுடன் இணைந்து செயல்பட பிரித்தானிய தமிழர் பேரவை விரும்புகிறது.

மீள் குடியேற்றம் (Resettlement) மற்றும் மீள் நிர்மாணம் (Reconstruction) குறித்து தமிழ் மக்களின் அரசியல் மற்றும் குடிசார் அமைப்புகள் சிறிலங்கா அரசிற்கு அழுத்தம் பிரயோகிக்க முன் வர வேண்டும்.

தமிழர் தாயகத்தில் அவசர கால அடிப்படையில் மீள் குடியேற்றமும் மீள் நிர்மாணமும் – BTF

அமரர் இல. கணேசன் ஐயா அவர்கள் பாரதிய ஜனதா கட்சியின் தமிழ்நாட்டின் மூத்த அரசியல்வாதியும், கட்சியின் தேசியக் குழுவின் முன்னாள் உறுப்பினரும், நாகாலாந்து, மணிப்பூர், மேற்குவங்காளம் ஆகிய மாநிலங்களின் முன்னாள் ஆளுநருமாவார். மேலும், அவர் முன்னாள் நாடாளுமன்ற மாநிலங்களவை உறுப்பினராகவும் பணியாற்றியுள்ளார்.

பாரதிய ஜனதா கட்சியின் தமிழ்நாடு மாநில செயலராக நியமிக்கப்படுவதற்கு முன்பு, கட்சியின் தேசிய செயலாளர், தேசிய துணைத்தலைவர், தமிழ்நாடு மாநிலத் தலைவர் ஆகிய பதவிகளை வகித்துள்ளார்.

அரசியல் பணி முழுவதிலும் நேர்மை, அர்ப்பணிப்பு மற்றும் அன்பு நிறைந்த பண்புகளைக் கொண்டிருந்த அவரின் சேவைகள் என்றும் நினைவுகூரப்படும். இந்திய அரசியலில் இருந்த போதும் ஈழத் தமிழர்களின் நலனின் மீது கொண்டிருந்த அக்கறை சிறப்பாகக் குறிப்பிடத் தக்கது. தமிழ் தேசியத்தின் பால் அவரின் ஈர்ப்பு எப்போதும் வெளிப்படையாக இருந்தது.

அவரது மறைவு இந்திய அரசியலுக்கும், ஈழத் தமிழர்களுக்கும் ஒரு பெரிய இழப்பாகும்.

அமரர் இல. கணேசன் ஐயா அவர்களின் பிரிவால் துயருற்றிருக்கும் குடும்பத்தினர், உறவினர்கள், நண்பர்கள், அரசியல் பிரமுகர்கள் அனைவருக்கும் பிரித்தானிய தமிழர் பேரவையின் சார்பில் எங்கள் ஆழ்ந்த அனுதாபங்களையும், இரங்கலையும் தெரிவித்துக் கொள்கின்றோம்.

அமரர் இல. கணேசன் ஐயா இரங்கல் அறிக்கை