Amid the systematic destruction of Tamil heritage—most notably the targeting of Hindu temples—the continued proliferation of Buddhist structures is deeply alarming. The construction of a Buddhist vihara in Thaiyiddy, situated in the heart of the Tamil homeland of Jaffna, where there is little to no Buddhist population, is particularly egregious. The establishment of this vihara on privately owned land has caused serious unrest and distress among local residents.

This action, carried out by the occupying military, has now drawn condemnation even from some prominent Buddhist monks within the island, underscoring the gravity and injustice of the situation.

Thaiyiddy, a village in the Jaffna Peninsula near Kankesanthurai, has become a stark symbol of the Sri Lankan state’s ongoing militarisation and land dispossession in the Tamil homeland. The Sri Lankan military has occupied privately owned Tamil land and enabled the construction of the Tissa Raja Maha Vihara on land claimed by 18 Tamil families. The land was subjected to prolonged military occupation, with no transparency, no consent from private owners, no planning permission from the local authority, and no adherence to basic legal procedures governing private property. Similar patterns have emerged in many other areas in the traditional Tamil homeland, demonstrating that this is not an isolated incident but part of a systematic military-backed land grab that undermines the rule of law and constitutes a serious violation of human rights.

The construction of Buddhist temples in predominantly Tamil areas is widely understood by local communities, Tamil parliamentarians, and civil society as part of a broader project of Buddhisation and demographic engineering in the North-East. Despite sustained peaceful protests, successive Sri Lankan governments have failed to address the core issue of illegal land seizure, exposing the futility of internal accountability mechanisms for Tamil people. This raises an unavoidable question: how long are Tamils expected to endure military occupation, land dispossession, and cultural erasure in their own homeland? 

Notably, this time resistance to these land grabs has also come from within the Buddhist community itself. A Buddhist monk of Nainativu Vihara has publicly supported Tamil landowners, stating that land seizure is unjust and incompatible with Buddhist values. 

This stance exposes the falsity of the state’s narrative and highlights the abuse of religion to legitimise militarisation. As extremist, state-aligned Buddhism continues to operate with impunity and international actors remain largely silent, Tamil representatives reiterate their call for decisive international 

intervention—through the United Nations, the Core Group, and the Special Rapporteur on freedom of religion or belief—to investigate military land grabs, uphold freedom of religion, and ensure the immediate return of private land to its rightful Tamil owners. This case exemplifies the broader failure of domestic accountability mechanisms within the Sri Lankan state apparatus.

Although Buddhism preaches non-violence and other noble values and calls upon its followers—particularly Buddhist monks—to practise these principles, the reality in Sri Lanka has been markedly different. Over decades, the country has witnessed aggressive hate speech, violent attacks, and open threats against non-Buddhists by powerful monks, including Ampitiye Sumanarathana Thero, Chief Incumbent of Sri Mangalarama Viharaya in Batticaloa, and Bodu Bala Sena (BBS) General Secretary Ven. Galagodaaththe Gnanasara Thero. Such hate-mongering by prominent religious figures—who have orchestrated violence and called for the annihilation of other faiths, ethnicities, and identities—has, over the past seven decades, contributed to bloodshed, cycles of violence, and genocide, ultimately driving the island toward bankruptcy and state failure.

It is imperative for the international community to take a firm stand against such virulent racism cloaked in religious authority. The influence of these actors, past and present, has enabled persecution against Tamils and other communities. Measures against notorious religious leaders—including travel bans and targeted sanctions, grounded in principles of universal jurisdiction—are necessary to support a genuine peace-building process and to empower the minority within Buddhist institutions who seek true transformation through meaningful structural changes.

The enforced land grab and illegal construction of Buddhist structures in Thaiyiddy must therefore be understood not as an isolated dispute, but as part of a broader pattern of conduct engaging Sri Lanka’s obligations under international human rights and humanitarian law, including protections against arbitrary deprivation of property and discrimination. Continued inaction risks entrenching impunity and further exposes the systemic failure of domestic accountability mechanisms. The international community’s response—or its silence—will determine whether these violations persist.

Militarisation and Buddhisation Continue in the Tamil Homeland – Futility of Internal Accountability Fn1.docx

Prime Minister

10 Downing Street

London SW1A 2AA

Dear Prime Minister, The Rt Hon Sir Keir Starmer MP,

Sri Lanka: A Journey from Conflict-Prone, Vulnerable, and Failing State to Peace, Stability, and Prosperity

Sri Lanka has been severely affected by Cyclone Ditwah, pushing an already-fragile economy into deeper crisis. As the nation mourns the loss of lives and the devastation inflicted upon its agricultural base and infrastructure, the challenge of rebuilding the country to even its pre-cyclone condition poses a serious concern for the Government.

While expressing sincere gratitude to the international community for its timely assistance, it is crucial that Sri Lanka reassesses its internal structures and adopts an inclusive approach to rebuilding. Sustainable recovery is only possible if power is genuinely shared among all peoples of the island—regardless of race, religion, or background. The responsibility for rebuilding must rest with all citizens, not just a centralised political elite.

This requires confronting and rectifying the failures that have accumulated since independence from British rule in 1948.

Sri Lanka: From Asia’s Early Role Model to a Bankrupt Nation

Lee Kuan Yew’s Observations

Singapore’s founding Prime Minister, Mr. Lee Kuan Yew, once regarded Sri Lanka  as a promising model for Asian development. However, he later became one of its most pointed critics, especially regarding ethnic governance.

His key observations include:

• Early admiration: In the 1960s, Sri Lanka stood out as one of Asia’s most advanced societies, with social and economic indicators surpassed only by Japan.
• Critique of ethnic policies: Lee criticised the systematic marginalisation of Tamil communities and the entrenchment of majoritarian Sinhala politics, which he believed sowed the seeds of conflict.
• Call for political solutions: He advised former President R. Premadasa that the ethnic conflict could never be solved through military means, insisting that a durable political settlement was indispensable.
• Condemnation of wartime actions: Lee later referred to the conduct during the final stages of the 2009 civil war as “ethnic cleansing” and characterised President Mahinda Rajapaksa as a “Sinhala extremist.”
• Holistic warning: Lee consistently argued that economic progress alone cannot sustain a nation in the absence of ethnic harmony and equitable governance. Without addressing deep-rooted grievances and structural inequalities, he warned, national stability would remain fragile.

Sri Lanka’s Contemporary Situation

• Urgent need to find a minimum of USD 7 billion to be allocated for recent cyclone and floods damaged reconstruction.
• Total external debt: USD 57 billion
• Projected trade deficit for 2025: USD 7 billion
• Post-cyclone reconstruction may take at least two years, require increased imports and further expand the deficit.
• The current IMF EFF programme runs roughly from March 2023 ending in March 2027.
• In the current political and economic climate, significant Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) is unlikely (Low investor confidence + instability → weak investment → slow growth).
• public debt still hovering above 100% of GDP

Debt Clearance Outlook (Next 10 Years)

To clear its external debt and offset recurring deficits – based on scenario estimates Sri Lanka will need at least:

• USD 13 billion under a linear projection, or
• USD 10 billion under an exponential projection.

Without a coherent and sustained national strategy, achieving these targets will be highly unlikely, placing long-term economic recovery at serious risk.

Why These Targets Are Currently Unattainable

Given the constraints:

• No major FDI inflows
• High import dependency
• Weak export diversification
• Rising reconstruction costs
• Temporary IMF support
• High public debt ratio

Within the existing state structure model, Sri Lanka lacks an engine capable of producing the foreign exchange surplus required for repayment.

Reconciliation, Institutional Reform, and Structural Change: The Conditions for Prosperity

Austerity and rigid fiscal tightening alone cannot revive Sri Lanka’s economy. The Government must acknowledge past failures and take decisive steps toward inclusive governance and equitable nation-building.

Lee Kuan Yew foresaw Sri Lanka’s potential to become one of Asia’s great success stories—second only to Japan—had it embraced equal rights for all its citizens and rejected divisive ethnonationalism. It is widely acknowledged that racial and religious discrimination has been the root cause of the country’s prolonged instability and decline.

Sri Lanka must accept its pluralistic identity. The aspirations of each community—especially Tamils and Muslims—must be respected through meaningful sharing of power, allowing regions to manage their own development, similar to the model in Canada, USA, Switzerland, EU and India.

UNHRC High Commissioner’s Report (A/HRC/57/19), Paragraph 64

“Following the elections, the newly elected Government should—as a matter of urgency—pursue an inclusive national vision for Sri Lanka that addresses the root causes of the conflict and undertakes fundamental constitutional and institutional reforms needed to strengthen democracy and devolution of political authority and advance accountability and reconciliation.”

Unless Sri Lanka embraces substantial power sharing model and ensures equal rights—particularly for the Tamil people—the nation will continue to descend into economic and political instability.

Cycles of violence, genocide and State Policies Contributing to the Present Predicament

A series of legislative acts, discriminatory policies, and violent episodes shaped the long-standing ethnic tensions in Sri Lanka and contributed to the present crisis. Key developments include:

• Citizenship Act (1948), which rendered Tamil plantation workers stateless.
• Sinhala Only Act (1956), instituted Sinhala as the sole official language, marginalizing Tamil speakers in education, public administration, and employment.
• 158 documented pogroms against Tamils (1956–2008) have been recorded during this period, resulting in loss of life, displacement, and deepening mistrust between communities.
• Abolition of Article 29 (2): removal of this key minority-protection clause from the Soulbury Constitution weakened constitutional safeguards for non-Sinhala communities.
• Granting Buddhism foremost place in the Constitution, reinforced majoritarian nationalism and extremist elements. 
• “Standardisation” policy (1972): Introduced criteria that disproportionately reduced access to higher studies for Tamil students, intensifying perceptions of systemic discrimination.
• Burning of the Jaffna Public Library: The destruction of over 97,000 rare books and manuscripts remains one of the most culturally devastating acts of the conflict era.
• Prevention of Terrorism Act (1979) enabled prolonged detention without trial, widespread reports of torture, disappearances, and other human rights abuses.
• A 26-year civil war causing widespread death, displacement, and enduring psychological and socioeconomic trauma across all communities.
• State sponsored land grabs aiming on destabilisation of traditional homeland of Tamils. 

Lessons from Sri Lanka’s Racially Driven Policies

• • Political elites repeatedly mobilised ethnic identity to secure power, entrenching cycles of majoritarianism while enabling corruption, policy incoherence, fiscal waste, and growing militarisation.
  • Decades of violence and discriminatory governance eroded human capital, devastated infrastructure, and diverted national resources toward war and security, pushing the economy deeper into debt.
  • Events such as the 2019 Easter Bombings, widely alleged by various actors to have political dimensions—revealed profound institutional dysfunction, persistent intelligence manure, and vulnerabilities within the state apparatus.
  • The COVID-19 pandemic (2020) further obscured systemic governance failures, enabling mismanagement, lack of transparency, and weak oversight during a period of heightened public fear and uncertainty.
  • Corruption permeated defence procurement and major foreign acquisitions, distorting national priorities and undermining both fiscal sustainability and national security.

• From 1983 to 2025, a succession of shocks—prolonged defence expenditures (1983 – 2025), the 2019 Easter Bombings, the 2020 Covid pandemic, the 2022 sovereign default, and the 2025 cyclone and flood catastrophe—combined the effects of human-driven policy failures and natural disasters, inflicting severe and lasting damage on Sri Lanka’s stability and future prosperity.

Facts and Figures on Unwarranted Defence Spending

• Defence expenditure (1983–2009): USD 14.14 billion
• Defence expenditure (2009–2018): USD 17.35 billion, despite the absence of war
• Military personnel increased from 200,000 (2009) to 318,000 (2018)
• Of Sri Lanka’s 19 military divisions, 16 remain stationed in the Northern Province
• Reports indicate human rights violations, land occupation, and abuses of women and children
• Sri Lanka maintains a larger military force than the UK
• Despite expectations, the new government continues to prioritise defence over essential sectors
• The military proved inadequate in responding to Cyclone Ditwah, whereas Indian forces reached difficult areas more effectively

Why Sri Lanka’s Centralised Governance Structure Hinders Growth and Development

Sri Lanka’s highly centralised and rigid governance model—anchored in a unitary constitutional framework—has long been recognised as a major obstacle to economic progress, institutional efficiency, and balanced regional development. The concentration of authority in Colombo severely restricts local and provincial actors from responding swiftly to emerging challenges or crafting solutions suited to their own social and economic realities.

• Centralisation slows down decision-making

In Sri Lanka, almost every significant development initiative—whether in infrastructure, housing, investment approvals, or disaster management—must pass through multiple layers of central bureaucracy. This creates systemic delays, increases administrative costs, and undermines the responsiveness required in a globalised and rapidly evolving environment.

Projects that should take weeks frequently drag on for months or years, not due to technical limitations but because of institutional bottlenecks. By the time approvals are granted, economic conditions may have shifted, opportunities may have vanished, and public confidence may have diminished.

• ⁠Bureaucracy and red tape limit innovation

Excessive procedural requirements, compounded by entrenched corruption among segments of the political leadership and bureaucracy, deter officials from exploring innovative practices or adopting modern governance models. Local authorities, lacking meaningful autonomy, are rarely empowered to pilot reforms without the explicit consent of central ministries.

As a result:
• Promising ideas fail before reaching implementation
• Policy learning and adaptation happen slowly
• Public-sector performance remains stagnant

• Political conflicts and entrenched corruption create further delays

Centralised systems tend to concentrate not only authority but also political opportunism. Ministries and agencies obstruct or delay initiatives associated with rival political actors or factions. When decision-making power is concentrated among a small group—whether politicians or bureaucrats—the risk of corruption increases significantly, as these actors control major financial flows and approval mechanisms.

Consequently, national-level political instability routinely disrupts development at the provincial and local levels, even when communities face urgent needs.

• Regional institutions lack autonomy

Provincial councils, local governments, and regional development bodies lack the fiscal and legislative independence necessary to address local priorities. Unlike federal or semi-federal systems—where states or provinces can craft their own economic strategies—Sri Lanka’s regions remain dependent on central government transfers and approvals.

This results in:
• Stagnant development outcomes
• Underutilisation of regional resources
• Slow disaster recovery
• Minimal investment in local innovation
• Reduced economic diversification

• Lack of power sharing makes much needed reforms difficult

Critical reforms—such as improving public service delivery, modernising agriculture, upgrading infrastructure, or establishing regional economic hubs—require coordinated action across multiple layers of government. In a highly centralised administrative culture, such reforms become vulnerable to political turnover, bureaucratic inertia, and resistance from those who benefit from existing arrangements.

This rigidity leaves Sri Lanka slow to adapt, even when confronted with severe economic crises, climate-related disasters, or competitive pressures from the global economy.

Sri Lanka’s highly centralised, unitary governance model significantly limits economic dynamism and institutional effectiveness. For decades, the concentration of authority in Colombo has been recognised as a major constraint on the country’s economic growth, administrative efficiency, transparency and regional development. This centralised structure prevents local and regional actors from responding swiftly to emerging challenges or designing solutions tailored to their specific social and economic contexts.

• Centralisation slows decision-making

Lengthy approval chains delay development projects and undermine the country’s ability to respond to rapidly changing economic and environmental conditions.

• Bureaucracy stifles innovation

Local authorities lack the autonomy to test new approaches, pilot reforms, or adapt policies to regional needs, resulting in stagnation and missed opportunities.

• Political rivalry and corruption create further delays

Centralised authority intensifies political competition, enabling factional obstruction, patronage networks, and corruption—further slowing progress.

• Regional institutions have insufficient autonomy

Provincial and local bodies lack the fiscal and legislative powers necessary to manage development independently, leading to uneven growth and chronic underuse of regional resources.

• Large-scale reforms become harder

Over-centralisation entrenches resistance to structural reform, making it harder for Sri Lanka to adapt during economic crises, climate shocks, or shifts in global markets.

Despite liberalising its economy in 1977, Sri Lanka has failed to achieve the transformative outcomes seen in neighbouring India, which embarked on liberalisation later, in 1991. India’s federal structure enabled its states to compete, innovate, and pursue distinct development strategies—resulting in steady and often rapid regional progress.

By contrast, Sri Lanka’s rigid centralised power structure and the persistent failure of national-level political decision-makers continue to impede meaningful reform and sustainable development. Unless structural changes are made to empower regional governance and devolved authority, Sri Lanka risks repeating its cycle of economic stagnation and missed opportunities.

Imperativeness for reconciliation and rebuilding Sri Lanka from its declining 

The foregoing signifies that Sri Lanka’s centralised governance system has long stifled economic growth, constrained innovation, and deepened ethnic divisions. A genuinely devolved, accountable, and regionally empowered political framework is essential if the country is to recover from its failures and realise its true potential.

However, regardless of which political system is inherited in Sri Lanka, entrenched institutional forces—particularly institutionalised Buddhist hard core and an oversized, militarised state apparatus—continue to hold an effective veto over meaningful reform. These forces have repeatedly obstructed initiatives aimed at reconciliation, justice, power sharing and sustainable peace.

While international assistance during this acute crisis is deeply appreciated, such support must be paired with firm encouragement for structural, institutional, and constitutional reform. Genuine reconciliation cannot be achieved without addressing the legitimate political aspirations of the Tamil people, ensuring meaningful regional autonomy, and dismantling entrenched systems of racial and religious discrimination. 

Without these transformative measures, Sri Lanka will remain trapped in cycles of violence, instability and decline, with the continued risk of a major regional conflict.

Given the United Kingdom’s historic role in shaping the early institutions of Sri Lanka, formerly Ceylon, and the improper decolonisation process, we respectfully urge you to initiate a fast-track process in collaboration with global partners to help bring an end to the long-standing conflict, advance justice, and support essential constitutional and institutional reforms. These steps are vital to securing peace, stability, and prosperity for all communities in Sri Lanka. 

Even in this moment of profound crisis, there is a real opportunity—and hope—for a better future.

Thank you, Prime Minister.

 Yours sincerely

1. Ravi Kumar
   General Secretary
   British Tamils Forum (BTF)
   Secretariat for the All-Party Parliamentary Group for Tamils (APPG T)

BTF Letter to UK PM – Reconsiling & Rebuilding Sri Lanka 15122025

British Tamils Forum (BTF) met with the Scottish First Minister Fn1.docx

At the meeting:

• Dame Siobhain McDonagh MP was re-elected as Chair of the APPG-T.
• Vice Chairs: Uma Kumaran MP (Labour), Bobby Dean MP (Liberal Democrat), and Louie French MP (Conservative).
  

Other APPG-T Members present:

• Daniel Francis MP
• Dawn Butler MP
• Janet Daby MP
• Jo White MP
• The Rt Hon John McDonnell MP
• Luke Taylor MP
• Natasha Irons MP
• Dr Neil Hudson MP

Apologies Received from 6 parliamentarians:

• Catherine West MP
• The Rt Hon Sir Ed Davey MP
• Ellie Chowns MP
• Emily Darlington MP
• Kerry McCarthy MP
• The Baroness Verma

The AGM provided a platform for cross-party discussion on key matters concerning accountability, justice, and sustainable peace for Tamils in Sri Lanka. Topics discussed included:

• Regular statements from the APPG-T Executive Committee on Tamil issues.
• The Forensic DNA Databank Project.
• Pathways to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) or other international, independent investigation mechanisms.
• The current NPP Government in Sri Lanka, its political agendas, and the continuing impunity.
• The OSLAP evidence repository at the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC).
• Advocacy efforts in India.
• Time-bound action plans focusing on reparations, resettlement, and reconstruction in the North-East.
• Preparations for an upcoming Parliamentary debate.

The APPG-T reaffirmed its continued commitment to pursuing justice and accountability, promoting human rights, and supporting long-term peace and development for the Tamil people.

For further information, please contact:

T.Vasikaran

British Tamils Forum (Secretariat, APPG for Tamils)

Mobile: 07943100035

info@britishtamilsforum.org

www.britishtamilsforum.org

@tamilsforum

APPG-T AGM Press Release

This comprehensive proposal has been jointly prepared and submitted by the British Tamils Forum, together with our sister organisations worldwide. It includes:

• Robust international criminal justice mechanisms to address past and ongoing violations and ensure accountability.
• Interim measures for reparations to support victims and affected communities, with a particular focus on the war-devastated North and East of Sri Lanka.
• A long-term framework for constitutional and institutional reform to guarantee non-recurrence of violence, systemic discrimination, and genocide.

This initiative represents a collective and coordinated global effort and is endorsed by the following organisations (listed in alphabetical order):

Common_proposal_for_UNHRC_September_2025_resolution

Common proposal for a new UNHRC resolution

பிரித்தானிய தமிழர் பேரவை திட்ட முன்மொழிவு

1983இலிருந்து போர்ச் சூழலினால் இந்தியாவிற்கு அகதியாக சென்ற தமிழ் மக்களின் அவல வாழ்க்கையினைத் தீர்ப்பதற்கான திட்டங்களை வகுத்து இந்தியாவுடனும், மனிதாபிமான பணிகளுக்கு ஆதரவு தரும் சில மேற்குலக நாடுகளுடனும் அவர்களின் மீள் குடியேற்றம் (Resettlement) மற்றும் போரால் சிதைக்கப்பட்ட தமிழர் தாயகத்தின் மீள் நிர்மாணம் (Reconstruction) ஆகிய இரண்டையும் உடனடியாக தொடங்க வேண்டும் என்று ஒரு தசாப்தத்திற்கு மேலாக இடை விடாத தொடர்பாடலை பிரித்தானிய தமிழர் பேரவை மேற்கொண்டு வருவது பலர் அறிந்த விடயம் ஆகும்.

இதுவரை இருந்த சிறிலங்காவின் அனைத்து அரசுகளும் இது குறித்து பாராமுகமாக இருந்தது மட்டும் அல்லாது தமிழ் மக்களின் மீள் குடியேற்றத்திற்கு பல முட்டுக் கட்டைகளை ஏற்படுத்தி வந்ததனை ஆதாரங்களுடன் மேற்படி அதிகார மையங்களிடம் முன் வைத்து அழுத்தங்களை பாவிக்க கூறி வந்தோம். 

தமிழ் மக்களின் மீள் குடியேற்றமும் மீள் நிர்மாணமும் போருக்கு பிந்திய மிக முக்கியமான விடயமாக அவசர கால அடிப்படையில் நடைமுறைப்படுத்தி இருக்க வேண்டும். 

இது குறித்து சிங்கள தரப்புகள் மட்டும் அல்லாது தமிழர் தரப்பிலும் கூட கவனத்தில் எடுக்காதது மிகுந்த விசனத்துக்குரியது. ‘அரசியல் தீர்வு ஒன்று வரும் வரை காத்திருப்போம்’, என பெரும் பாதிப்புக்குள்ளான ஒரு பகுதி மக்களின் நீண்ட கால பிரச்சினையைத் தள்ளிப் போடுவது பொறுப்பற்ற செயலாகும். 

இந்தோ லங்கா உடன்படிக்கையின் ஒரு முக்கிய அங்கமாக மீள் குடியேற்றம் குறிப்பிடப்பட்டிருந்தாலும் அதனை நடைமுறைப்படுத்தாது இழுத்தடித்து, “எண்ணிக்கை சிறுபான்மையினராக” (numerical minority) தமிழர் தாயகத்திலேயே தமிழ் மக்களை பலவீனப்படுத்தவே சிங்கள அரசுகள் தொடர் நடவடிக்கைகளை எடுத்து வருகின்றன என நாம் பல்வேறு தளங்களில் பல்வேறு நாடுகளுக்கும் முக்கியஸ்தர்களுக்கும் தமிழ் மக்களின் அவல வாழ்க்கையினை விளங்கப்படுத்தி வருகின்றோம்.  

இதே வேளையில் “இந்தியாவில் உள்ள இலங்கை அகதிகள் அனைவரையும் அன்புடன் பொறுப்பேற்போம். அவர்களுக்கு முழுமையாக ஒத்துழைப்புக்களை வழங்குவோம்.”  என சிறிலங்காவின் அமைச்சர் பிமல் ரத்நாயக்க அண்மையில் பாராளுமன்றில் கதைத்திருப்பதாக அறிய வருகின்றோம். (வீரகேசரி https://www.virakesari.lk/article/222965.)

தமிழர் தாயகத்தின் சனநாயக ரீதியாக தேர்ந்தெடுக்கப்படும் பிரதிநிதிகள், சிவில் சமூகம், புலமையாளர்கள், பொறுப்புணர்வுடன் செயல்படும் புலம்பெயர் அமைப்புகளுடன் இணைந்து ஒருங்கிணைந்த ஒரு முன்மொழிவினை கொடுத்து வினைத் திறனுடன் நேர்மையாக இதனை நடைமுறைப்படுத்த தொடர் நடவடிக்கைகளை மேற்கொண்டு வருகின்றோம். 

முக்கியத்துவம் வாய்ந்த இந்த மனிதாபிமான பணிகளை அவசர கால அடிப்படையில் நடைமுறைப்படுத்த தமிழ் மக்களின் இருப்பினில் உண்மையான அக்கறை உள்ளவர்களுடன் இணைந்து செயல்பட பிரித்தானிய தமிழர் பேரவை விரும்புகிறது.

மீள் குடியேற்றம் (Resettlement) மற்றும் மீள் நிர்மாணம் (Reconstruction) குறித்து தமிழ் மக்களின் அரசியல் மற்றும் குடிசார் அமைப்புகள் சிறிலங்கா அரசிற்கு அழுத்தம் பிரயோகிக்க முன் வர வேண்டும்.

தமிழர் தாயகத்தில் அவசர கால அடிப்படையில் மீள் குடியேற்றமும் மீள் நிர்மாணமும் – BTF

அமரர் இல. கணேசன் ஐயா அவர்கள் பாரதிய ஜனதா கட்சியின் தமிழ்நாட்டின் மூத்த அரசியல்வாதியும், கட்சியின் தேசியக் குழுவின் முன்னாள் உறுப்பினரும், நாகாலாந்து, மணிப்பூர், மேற்குவங்காளம் ஆகிய மாநிலங்களின் முன்னாள் ஆளுநருமாவார். மேலும், அவர் முன்னாள் நாடாளுமன்ற மாநிலங்களவை உறுப்பினராகவும் பணியாற்றியுள்ளார்.

பாரதிய ஜனதா கட்சியின் தமிழ்நாடு மாநில செயலராக நியமிக்கப்படுவதற்கு முன்பு, கட்சியின் தேசிய செயலாளர், தேசிய துணைத்தலைவர், தமிழ்நாடு மாநிலத் தலைவர் ஆகிய பதவிகளை வகித்துள்ளார்.

அரசியல் பணி முழுவதிலும் நேர்மை, அர்ப்பணிப்பு மற்றும் அன்பு நிறைந்த பண்புகளைக் கொண்டிருந்த அவரின் சேவைகள் என்றும் நினைவுகூரப்படும். இந்திய அரசியலில் இருந்த போதும் ஈழத் தமிழர்களின் நலனின் மீது கொண்டிருந்த அக்கறை சிறப்பாகக் குறிப்பிடத் தக்கது. தமிழ் தேசியத்தின் பால் அவரின் ஈர்ப்பு எப்போதும் வெளிப்படையாக இருந்தது.

அவரது மறைவு இந்திய அரசியலுக்கும், ஈழத் தமிழர்களுக்கும் ஒரு பெரிய இழப்பாகும்.

அமரர் இல. கணேசன் ஐயா அவர்களின் பிரிவால் துயருற்றிருக்கும் குடும்பத்தினர், உறவினர்கள், நண்பர்கள், அரசியல் பிரமுகர்கள் அனைவருக்கும் பிரித்தானிய தமிழர் பேரவையின் சார்பில் எங்கள் ஆழ்ந்த அனுதாபங்களையும், இரங்கலையும் தெரிவித்துக் கொள்கின்றோம்.

அமரர் இல. கணேசன் ஐயா இரங்கல் அறிக்கை

Manal Aaru, a historically Tamil region located in the Mullaitivu District of Sri Lanka, has endured a tragic transformation over the past several decades. Once a vibrant Tamil village, it has been forcefully renamed and repopulated under the guise of development — specifically through the Maduru Oya irrigation scheme.

On 16th April 1988, a Gazette notification by the Sri Lankan Government officially renamed Manal Aaru to Weli Oya, a Sinhala name. This was not a mere renaming — it was part of a broader and calculated strategy to alter the demographics and cultural identity of the region.

 Forced Displacement and Violence

 Between 1^st and 15^th December 1984, coordinated massacres were carried out in Tamil villages located between Mullaitivu and Trincomalee. These brutal attacks targeted Tamil civilians, many of whom had ancestral ties to the land going back centuries. Survivors were driven out of their homes, and the state-sponsored Sinhala colonization of the region began in earnest.

Under the pretence of development, Sinhala settlers were brought in, heavily protected by the Sri Lankan military. Dispossessed and displaced Tamil natives were left in poverty, with limited access to their lands, livelihoods, and cultural heritage. The use of draconian laws like the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) provided a legal cover for such actions and impunity.

 Demographic Shift and Systematic Colonization

Since the 1980s, and particularly after the end of the war in 2009, state-backed encroachment has continued. Sinhala settlements have grown in number and infrastructure, while Tamil communities remain marginalized, under-resourced, and often intimidated or surveilled by the military.

The demographic maps (attached below) highlight the alarming transformation of Weli Oya from a predominantly Tamil area in 2015 to its current state — a visual representation of decades of orchestrated displacement and colonization. 

1 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Weli_Oya

2 https://web.archive.org/web/20101019025338/http://www.nakkeran.com/colonization3A.htm

 Weli Oya – Before 2015 (Pink)

Weli Oya in 2015

Weli Oya – At Present (Pink)

Weli Oya at Present

What Are Our Leaders Doing?

While the Tamil homeland is being quietly taken over, what are our Members of Parliament, and the civil society organizations doing? Why is there such undue silence from those entrusted with protecting our rights and our identity?

Our Language, Our Land, Our Future

Land is not just soil — it is culture, identity, memory, and future. The erosion of our land directly impacts the survival of our language, religion, and the way of life.

Over the last 77 years, we have lost too much. Now is the time to rise and act. We must come together — not tomorrow, not next year — now, to protect our legitimate rights, to preserve and treasure our Tamil homeland, and to demand justice.

DETERIORATION OF TAMIL HOMELAND – MANAL AARU

Although 15 skeletons were exhumed at the Chemmani site in 1999, the investigation was abruptly halted that same year without any credible explanation. To this day, no individuals – particularly those in positions of command, have been held accountable for the torture, sexual violence, extrajudicial executions, and enforced disappearances linked to the site. Furthermore, there has been no progress in determining the fate or whereabouts of the 628 individuals reported missing between 1996 and 1998, during the period when Jaffna district was under the control of Sri Lankan security forces.

The ICJ stresses the urgent need for sustained international oversight as Sri Lanka resumes the exhumation process. Past investigations into mass graves – including those at Chemmani, Mannar (2018), and other sites – have failed to deliver truth or justice, often stalled or suppressed by domestic judicial mechanisms.

The International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) supports the calls from families of the disappeared and local human rights groups for international oversight and technical expertise. This includes the deployment of independent international forensic experts and human rights observers, transparent and timely updates to families and the public, and rigorous protection of evidence to ensure future criminal accountability.

Although Sri Lanka is a State Party to both the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance (CPED), it has failed to implement its international obligations. Despite ratifying these treaties and enacting domestic legislation – such as the CPED Act – no successful prosecutions have taken place, and investigations remain superficial or ineffective.

International law requires that the Chemmani investigation goes beyond identifying human remains. It must uncover the full chain of responsibility, uphold victims’ rights, and preserve the site in accordance with international human rights standards.

Given Sri Lanka’s persistent impunity, ongoing cover-ups, and refusal to cooperate with international justice mechanisms, the British Tamils Forum (BTF) calls for:

• An internationally mandated mechanism to assume custody of all identified and suspected mass grave sites—including Chemmani, Kokkuthoduvai, Muthur and Mannar.
• The immediate deployment of international forensic and investigative teams.
• The use of satellite imagery, forensic expertise, DNA sampling and recovery tracking to secure and examine remains and evidence gathered in prior investigations.

Such actions by the international community would send a strong and unequivocal message: those responsible for war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide will not be shielded from accountability – whether in Sri Lanka or anywhere else.

International Call for Urgent Action on Enforced Disappearances in Sri Lanka

It is regrettable when the genocidal violence climaxed in 2009 against the Tamil population in Sri Lanka, the UN General Assembly, the Security Council, and the Human Rights Council (UNHRC) collectively failed at least to convene a single session to address or act on the grave violations committed by the Sri Lankan state and its security forces at that time. This historic failure to act in a timely manner not only denied justice to victims but also set a precedent for the unscrupulous nations to follow, jeopardising the world’s peace and security.

The UN thus has a great responsibility to rectify its past ignorance by taking appropriate actions to negate the Sri Lankan Bad Blueprint rather than promoting ruthless nations like Sri Lanka. 

The 2015 OISL Report (OHCHR Investigation on Sri Lanka) recommended a hybrid accountability mechanism due to the lack of trust in the domestic system as a compromise formula.

Following this, in 2015, the Sri Lankan government strategically maneuvered international diplomacy by agreeing to a resolution co-sponsored at the UNHRC, which included 25 key commitments—among them, the establishment of a hybrid tribunal with international participation and legal reforms allowing accountability for command responsibility and genocidal crimes. However, this cooperation proved illusory. Successive Sri Lankan administrations, having bought time and international goodwill, have systematically derailed, delayed, and ultimately abandoned the justice process—exposing the limits of soft diplomacy without enforceable accountability.

In succinct, the OISL 2015 Report’s recommendation was cynically used by the Sri Lankan state to feign compliance while ensuring impunity prevailed.

Today, the newly elected NPP (JVP-led) government appears poised to adopt the same playbook, using more sophisticated tactics: publicly cooperating, but for diluting international scrutiny, steering UN resolutions to their advantage, and ultimately stalling any meaningful criminal justice process. 

The UN must therefore have to be vigilant for not exerting its enormous effort, time and money in great peril of sabotaging justice and accountability that Tamil people entrusted that the UN would lead based on facts and figures that it collected in compliance to the Resolutions 46/1, 51/1 and 57/1. 

Among many things that the High Commissioner had stated in OHCHR’s Report A/HRC/57/19 dated 27 august 2024, the High Commissioner’s recommendations of paras 54 and 64 are particularly drawn to attention in retrospect.

54. The international legal system offers further opportunities, including through the inter-State complaint mechanisms of treaty bodies, and/or consideration of proceedings before the International Court of Justice, where provided for by relevant human rights treaties. Efforts have been undertaken by CSO to request the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC), to the extent possible, to exercise jurisdiction over relevant crimes committed in Sri Lanka. The Rome Statute provides opportunities for States to activate the ICC’s jurisdiction, including through the UN Security Council formally referring a situation to it.
55. Following the elections, the newly elected Government should – as a matter of urgency – pursue an inclusive national vision for Sri Lanka that addresses the root causes of the conflict and undertakes fundamental constitutional and institutional reforms needed to strengthen democracy and devolution of political authority and advance accountability and reconciliation.

In the meantime, BTF would like to present a few salient points of facts of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP); President elect — challenge faced by Tamil nation.; to the High Commissioner for Human Rights, Mr Volker Turk’s attention.

• Vehemently opposed the Norwegian led international peace process and ceasefire agreement of 2002 and conducted many ethnically charged campaigns.
• Mobilised the rural mass and recruited 1000s of Sinhala youths to join the security forces in 2002 – 2006. Many of the middle level or senior commanders in the security forces in the armed forces were recruited by the JVP. They were involved in many atrocity crimes perpetrated against the Tamils. 
• Vehemently opposed a ceasefire in 2009 when the genocidal massacre was at its peak.
• Opposed an arrangement for post tsunami rehabilitation tasks (Post Tsunami Operational Management Structure – PTOMS) and filed a case against the PTOMS and stopped the operation of the humanitarian project for the Tsunami victims. 
• Opposed the merger of the northern and eastern province and never accepted any power sharing arrangement or any form of devolution. Party to challenging the merger of the North and East before the Supreme Court — successfully.
• Even during his campaign in 2024, at a meeting in Jaffna, he refused to propose a political solution with substantial power sharing for the ongoing conflict.

Additionally, the JVP has three clear political positions:

• Unitary State — with no devolution of the powers of Parliament.
• Refusal to recognise the traditional homeland of the Tamils.
• Oppose any form of international action to establish an international criminal justice mechanism for war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide perpetrated against Tamils.

For the victims’ communities, Tamil civil society, Tamil national political parties, and the global Tamil diaspora, the demand is clear and unwavering: only an independent international criminal justice mechanism—free from Sri Lankan state interference—can meaningfully address this 75-year history of ethnic violence, systemic discrimination, and genocide.

If that occurs, the credibility of the UN system and the international community’s commitment to justice will prevail. 

By being stern on Sri Lanka in its ethos, the UN can not only redeem its past failures but can also establish a global precedent for responding to state-led atrocities. Given the current global conflicts, if there is any possibility of setting up a successful UN model on the application of international law & justice, Sri Lanka is the only country turning from a bad model to a role model and a deterrence. 

Such an action would send a powerful message to rogue regimes, following the prototype of Sri Lanka’s Bad Model, around the world. 

The culture of impunity must be forfeited.

The UN’s Failure in Sri Lanka – A Call for Genuine International Justice